Aj. Dagga Tolar

On January 21, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, alongside the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, hosted selected guests from Ogoniland, referred to as stakeholders, with the governor of Rivers State, Siminalayi Fubara, in attendance. The meeting saw the president urging all those present to “Go back home, do more consultations, and embrace others.” He stated that the gathering at Aso Rock must be “worthwhile by bringing peace, development, and a clean environment back to Ogoniland.”

All of the above euphemisms used by the president and the seemingly friendly parley aim at a return to the oil fields for the extraction and exploitation of oil, which lies at the heart of the pain in Ogoniland. This is driven by the regime’s desperation for more funds from every available source to feed its bloated economic revival plans, which remain largely a mirage, even with increased revenue from deregulation, the so-called removal of subsidies, increased tax regimes, loans, and so forth.

Who or What is Ogoniland?

Ogoniland symbolises the history of oil exploitation in the Niger Delta, with little or no benefit to the homeland or the working masses in the Niger Delta or any other part of the country. It illustrates to all discerning minds a failed ruling class that refuses to take control of its black gold, develop the necessary technical and human skills required for oil production, and maximise its potential for the benefit of the country. Instead, it hands control to private profiteers like Royal Dutch/Shell, Chevron, etc., whose main concern is profit, profit, profit—often at the detriment of the collective well-being of the working masses and the degradation of the environment.

This was the central issue and the basis of the agitation by the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), then led by Ken Saro-Wiwa, to save the waters and the land from continuous oil pollution. MOSOP demonstrated the effectiveness of mass mobilisation and action in January 1991. This January action effectively challenged Shell, paralysing its operations and preventing it from drilling oil from Ogoni soil and waters. It was a far more effective means than the tactics employed by various “militant” armed groups in parts of the Niger Delta, who resorted to kidnapping and blowing up pipelines.

Saro-Wiwa and MOSOP were more feared by the ruling class, then represented by the Abacha military junta, which employed all possible tactics to divide their ranks. It was this division that led to a mob rage against those perceived to be acting against Ogoniland’s interest, directly resulting in the killing of Albert Badey, Samuel Orage, Theophilus Orage, and Edward Kobani, who became known as the Ogoni Four.

The Abacha military dictatorship seized upon this excuse to arrest Saro-Wiwa, Baribor Bera, Barinem Kiobel, Felix Nuate, Nordu Eawo, Paul Levera, Daniel Gbooko, Saturday Dobee, and John Kpuine. Accused of murder, they were tried and executed. It was evident that they were targeted to behead MOSOP and punish the organisation for the dwindling oil revenues.

Healing Old Wounds?

No healing of the trauma will come to the children and descendants of the murdered chiefs and executed MOSOP leaders if the government does not take responsibility for fanning the flames of division in Ogoniland, which directly led to the mob killings. The government must also offer an apology and compensation to the families of the victims. The same applies to the Ogoni Nine. Asking people to return to Ogoniland, embrace each other, and forget about the past will not heal these deep wounds.

Already, phrases like “No governor yet from Ogoniland,” “State of our own,” and “Inclusion in the negotiation process and recognition as Ogoni stakeholders” are gaining traction. Questions are being raised about the criteria used to determine who qualifies as a stakeholder. Even MOSOP has complained about not being invited to the Aso Rock meeting. While the presidency may attempt to correct this and bring MOSOP on board, it must not be forgotten that Ken Saro-Wiwa was executed for similar reasons. The Tinubu regime is desperate and might adopt an all-embracing strategy, including throwing money around. However, all this will only serve the selfish interests of a select elite. The question of democratically managing the extracted oil to benefit the entire country and its working masses is not on the agenda.

The True Agenda

The Tinubu regime’s primary goal is to generate more funds for the state, not to fix the economy or improve the lives of the working masses. Instead, it seeks to enrich foreign capital through debt rescheduling schemes to access more foreign loans, while also creating new billionaires through capital projects that are deliberately overinflated to facilitate the diversion of public funds.

This is why the MSA (Movement for a Socialist Alternative) states that the people of Ogoniland must not be deceived by the Tinubu regime’s newfound interest. Soon, a wave of so-called stakeholders will emerge, positioning themselves to benefit from the anticipated windfall. While Shell has been made to pay $15.5 million as part of an out-of-court settlement in a case brought against it in the United States by members of the Ken Saro-Wiwa family—insisting it denies any wrongdoing—the path for its return, or that of other oil companies, is being paved.

The MSA boldly asserts that it is only a matter of time before we return to the same old story of oil spillage, the greed of local chiefs and gang leaders for a share of the profits, and a fresh round of bloodshed over oil. Nothing short of the nationalisation of oil production under the democratic control of the working masses can bring about the desired change. This approach would free up the country’s wealth to benefit its people and develop the means of production across all sectors of the economy.

This task is not on the agenda of the Tinubu regime, nor will it be undertaken by any faction of the ruling class. It is the working masses themselves who must get organised politically to win power and implement the Socialist Alternative manifesto. Only then will the exploration of oil in Ogoniland, the Niger Delta, or any other part of the country truly serve the interests of the working masses.